In September 2017, a bank research team put a number on a fear that had been circulating for years: 3D printing, they projected, could wipe out roughly a quarter of world trade by 2060. Nearly a decade later, economists finally had an industry that had completed the switch, and measured what actually happened. The result went the other way.
Key takeaways
- ING’s September 2017 report projected 3D printing could erase about a quarter of world trade by 2060.
- A study published in the Journal of International Economics in August 2022 measured the opposite effect in hearing aids.
- Production methods changed; the supply chains feeding them stayed intact.
- Exposure is concentrated in specific product categories, not spread evenly across manufacturing.
Where the “trade killer” forecast came from
The most cited pessimistic projection is ING’s 3D printing: a threat to global trade, published in September 2017. It ran two scenarios. In the first, investment in printers keeps growing at its then-current pace, half of all manufactured goods are printed by 2060, and close to a quarter of world trade disappears. In the second, investment doubles every five years, the 50% threshold arrives as early as 2040, and roughly two-fifths of world trade goes with it.
The mechanism behind those numbers is straightforward. Printers use far less labour than assembly lines, which removes much of the reason to import intermediate and finished goods from low-wage economies. ING pointed to automotive parts, industrial machinery and consumer products as the categories most likely to lead that contraction.
Worth keeping in mind: this was scenario modelling built on an investment growth assumption, not an observation. The report said so itself.
What the hearing aid data actually showed
Hearing aids gave researchers the cleanest natural experiment available, because the industry switched to additive manufacturing almost completely and did so early. Caroline Freund, Alen Mulabdic and Michele Ruta studied that transition in a World Bank policy research working paper released in 2019, published in the Journal of International Economics in August 2022 under the title this article borrows its question from.
Their finding: the shift to printing led to a doubling or near doubling of producers’ exports after five years, with the technology identified as the main driver. Trade in the category rose by roughly 60%. The authors extended the analysis to 35 further products, including running shoes, aircraft parts and prosthetic limbs.
Just as telling is what did not happen. Production processes changed hands and changed shape, and the supply chains around them stayed where they were. Denmark, Switzerland and Singapore kept their export lead because high-volume printing demands serious capital investment, while China, Mexico and Vietnam grew their share substantially over the same stretch.
| ING projection (2017) | Measured study (2022) | |
|---|---|---|
| Direction of effect | Trade contracts | Trade expands |
| Basis | Scenario modelling on investment growth | Observed trade flows after adoption |
| Scope | All manufactured goods | Hearing aids plus 35 other products |
| Horizon | 2040 to 2060 | Five years after adoption |
Why local printing has not collapsed supply chains
Printing a finished part near the customer removes one shipment. It does not remove the trade in everything that makes the part possible: the printers themselves, metal powders and polymer feedstock, calibration and servicing contracts, software licences, and the certified post-processing that regulated sectors demand. Those flows cross borders exactly as they did before, and some of them are worth more per kilo than the goods they replaced.
Capital intensity is the part most forecasts underplayed. A printer capable of medical-grade volume is an industrial asset, not a desktop appliance, which pushes production toward whoever can already finance industrial assets. That is the opposite of the dispersal the disruption narrative assumed. Anyone who followed what the shipping crisis taught us about global industry will recognise the pattern: shocks tend to reshuffle where concentration sits rather than dissolve it.
What this means for trade-exposed businesses in 2026
The practical exposure is category-specific rather than general. Spare parts with long lead times, low-complexity plastic components, dental and orthopaedic devices, and tooling all have real substitution risk, because printing them locally beats waiting six weeks for a container. Complex assemblies with mixed materials and tight certification requirements do not, at least not yet.
The screening question we would ask of any product line is how much capital a competent printed version requires. Where the answer is “a lot”, incumbents keep their advantage and trade patterns bend rather than break. Where the answer is “very little”, the substitution argument has teeth.
Freund herself flagged the caveat: the benefit observed so far could prove temporary if printers become cheap and accessible enough for local producers everywhere. That is a real possibility, and it is not what the data shows today.
Questions we keep getting
Does 3D printing reduce shipping volumes?
Not measurably at the aggregate level so far. It substitutes some finished-goods shipments while adding flows of machines, feedstock and service contracts, and the studied cases show net trade rising rather than falling.
Which industries carry the most substitution risk?
Categories where printed parts are simple, single-material and expensive to ship or stock: spare parts, tooling, dental and orthopaedic devices. Automotive, industrial machinery and consumer products were ING’s picks for the largest projected effect.
Was the ING forecast simply wrong?
It is too early to say, and the honest answer is that the two exercises measure different things. ING modelled a 2040 to 2060 horizon under stated assumptions; the 2022 study measured five years of real adoption in a narrow set of products. Neither settles the other.
How does printing complicate tariffs and customs?
When a design crosses a border as a file rather than a product, the taxable event moves upstream to intellectual property and services rather than goods. That is an unresolved policy question, and it is one of the few places where the disruption argument holds up well.
Our reading for now: treat 3D printing as a change in where value sits along the chain rather than a subtraction from it. The technology has been rearranging manufacturing for four decades, and the one industry that finished the journey ended up trading more, not less.
Following the wider industrial rewiring?
The same forces are reshaping sectors that were written off as legacy manufacturing.
Sources: ING, 3D printing: a threat to global trade (September 2017); Caroline Freund, Alen Mulabdic and Michele Ruta, Is 3D Printing a Threat to Global Trade? The Trade Effects You Didn’t Hear About, World Bank policy research working paper (2019), published in the Journal of International Economics (August 2022). Updated August 2026.
